In this “Orwellian World” we are living in one must wonder why Ontario citizens are being so badly abused and literally bankrupted by their very own Government!
How can this be? Why are our electrical prices so high even though we are literally “swimming” in an over-supply? Who is actually making all the money off the scandalous behaviour of this Liberal minority Government?
Not you or me, that’s for sure. Could it be a corrupt and literally tight gathering of industrialists and corporations behind the Government “rape of Ontario’s Democracy”?
Take the following quotes into account here by one of the most powerful and wealthy people on this planet and you just may have the brutal truth behind probably the worst Governments ever to exist within Canada’s borders!!!!!
1.) “…somebody has to take governments’ place, and business seems to me to be a logical entity to do it.” – David Rockefeller – Newsweek International, Feb 1 1999.
2.) “We are grateful to The Washington Post, The New York Times, Time Magazine and other great publications whose directors have attended our meetings and respected their promises of discretion for almost forty years. It would have been impossible for us to develop our plan for the world if we had been subject to the bright lights of publicity during those years. But, the world is now more sophisticated and prepared to march towards a world government. The supranational sovereignty of an intellectual elite and world bankers is surely preferable to the national auto determination practiced in past centuries.” – David Rockefeller, founder of the Trilateral Commission, in an address before that organization in June of 1991.
In Ontario’s lobbyist-industrialist complex, high-priced help arranges for high-powered clients to influence highly placed politicians.
Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne undermined her credibility with everyone by bouncing back and forth between fealty to a fundraiser and loyalty to labour, Martin Regg Cohn writes. MARK BLINCH / THE CANADIAN PRESS
By: Martin Regg Cohn Provincial Politics, Published on Sat Oct 19 2013
You probably know about the military-industrial complex that drives American politics.
What do you know about the lobbyist-industrialist complex that lubricates Ontario politics?
Normally, this nexus operates behind the scenes: High-priced help arranges for high-powered clients to influence highly placed politicians at Queen’s Park.
Now the nexus is in full view. Thanks to a series of media leaks and legal rulings, the public can gain a rare glimpse into the deal making that animates Ontario politics.
The storyline involves two of the province’s storied firms:
EllisDon is the blue-chip construction company that called in its chits with the governing Liberals and opposition Tories. The firm had made massive campaign donations over the years, mostly to the grateful Liberals, and some Tories concluded that helping EllisDon could increase their share of future contributions.
EllisDon found itself boxed in by claims from some construction unions that the company had promised, back in 1958, never to hire non-union workers in Sarnia. The Ontario Labour Relations Board (OLRB) agreed, and under subsequent rules mandating province-wide enforcement, the firm would be bound by the long-forgotten deal across Ontario.
EllisDon protested that it would be placed at a competitive disadvantage if other companies could still hire non-union labour. So the OLRB gave it a two-year waiver — time enough to lobby the legislature for a permanent exemption.
StrategyCorp swung into action, deploying two senior partners from both sides of the partisan divide to oversee the mission: John Duffy, a longtime Liberal insider, and Leslie Noble, an influential Tory tied to former premier Mike Harris. (Noble declined an on-the-record interview, and Duffy did not return calls or emails.)
How to persuade the minority legislature to craft a law tailored to EllisDon’s special situation? No amount of lobbying could make the Liberal government play ball. Labour Minister Yasir Naqvi wouldn’t bite. A lawyer with progressive leanings, he was in no mood to jeopardize his standing as a cabinet rookie by playing footsie with fast-talking lobbyists (Naqvi declined to discuss it on the record).
Instead, the Tories would be asked to carry the ball. Rookie backbencher Monte McNaughton, who represents a London-area riding where EllisDon is headquartered, agreed to propose a private member’s bill fixing the problem.
Non-government bills rarely gain traction in the legislature, but StrategyCorp had helped secure Liberal backing for the Tory MPP’s proposal — a conspicuous display of bipartisan co-operation. The two rival parties went even further by agreeing to prioritize the controversial EllisDon bill, speeding it through the legislature.
Premier Kathleen Wynne publicly defended the bill as a necessary corrective for EllisDon. It was an unusually passionate defence of a bill circumscribing union rights, coming from a premier widely viewed as a labour-friendly progressive.
What Wynne didn’t say was that EllisDon, its subsidiaries and executives, have been shockingly generous donors to her party: more than $125,000 to the Liberals in 2012 and more than $40,000 so far in 2013, thanks to Ontario’s scandalously weak campaign financing laws (corporate contributions are banned at the federal level).
And what the Tories didn’t say publicly was that EllisDon had given them a still-generous $32,000 last year and some $14,000 so far in 2013. Now, they were hoping for even bigger contributions if they went to bat for the company.
That quiet calculation became a public embarrassment when the Toronto Star published a leaked email from Tory labour critic Randy Hillier. The maverick MPP admonished his fellow Tories against what struck him as a crass political calculation — counting on a windfall from an EllisDon fundraiser for Tory Leader Tim Hudak after helpfully advancing the legislation.
The party was “walking on thin ice,” Hillier cautioned in the email. “In caucus, it was stated quite explicitly that following a successful EllisDon fundraiser for Tim, our party would continue to benefit financially with the advancement of this legislation.”
A skeptical Hillier noted that EllisDon had given the Liberals more than $250,000 from 2004-2011, compared to $60,000 for the Tories. In any case, he warned MPPs, they might be violating rules against buying votes. EllisDon denied there was any such arrangement, as did Hudak, who later stripped Hillier of his labour responsibilities.
But the damage was done. NDP Leader Andrea Horwath had a field day lumping the labour-friendly Liberals with the union-busting Tories, both of them getting big money from EllisDon. The optics were awful.
More important, the issue was starting to drive a classic wedge between the Liberal party and its bedrock supporters in the labour movement. Pat Dillon, business manager of the Building and Construction Trades Council, appealed directly to Wynne and other MPPs to reject any bill, written at the behest of one employer, to let it escape its legal obligations.